Interpretation of Xi's 'one country, two systems' offer
Chinese President Xi Jinping, who doubles as general-secretary of the Communist Party that rules China, floated Deng Xiaoping's "one country, two systems" doctrine in a meeting with Yok Mu-ming, Taiwan's New Party chairman, at the People's Great Hall
The doctrine isn’t well received in Taiwan, because opinion leaders are convinced that it won’t work just as it hasn’t in Hong Kong. Many of them believe Xi reiterated Deng’s “one country, two systems” promise with the threat of force to quash any desire for the independence of Taiwan.
Of course, Xi or any other Chinese Communist Party leader who may succeed him won’t accept Taiwan’s independence, which China calls secession. Beijing adopted an anti-secession law in 2005, writing an automatic invasion of Taiwan into law if it declares independence or if all possibility of unification is lost. The condition for Chinese unification is the “one China” principle, which is the basis of Deng’s doctrine for Hong Kong.
Deng’s doctrine for Taiwan is a much better one than what he offered Hong Kong. He promised Taiwan that it may have its own flag and keep its army. That sounds like a promise of suzerain-vassal relationship the old Chinese empire had with Vietnam, Korea and the Kingdom of the Ryukyus. China was a very lenient suzerain. It never interfered with the domestic as well as foreign affairs of its vassals.
Xi’s doctrine for Chinese unification is specifically better. Aware of the resistance in Taiwan, he said it will “fully consider the actual situation in Taiwan and listen to views and suggestions from both sides of the Taiwan Strait, and there will be an arrangement that will fully take care of the interests of Taiwanese compatriots”. He then pointed out “peaceful unification of both sides of the Taiwan Strait is an end to bilateral confrontation and not a restructuring of sovereignty or territory”, and declared “the unification we are pursuing is not just formal unification but, more importantly, a harmonious psychological unity of the people on both sides of the strait”.
Few people have paid attention to Xi’s last two remarks. President Ma Ying-jeou at once rejected Xi’s offer. Probably failing to note the nuance of the offer, Ma let his spokesman register his opposition to the “one country, two systems” offer which he has made many times. China’s promotion of the system would not be accepted by Taiwan’s government or people, Ma stressed.
However, what Xi said suggests his “we are family” approach to Chinese unification. There won’t be any restructuring of sovereignty or territory. The Chinese can be united as a nation. In other words, he is hinting at dominion status for Taiwan.
Dominion status was first given by the British to Canada in 1897 and later to Australia and New Zealand. They were “autonomous communities within the British Empire, equal in status, in no way subordinate one to another in any aspect of their domestic or external affairs, though united by a common allegiance to the Crown and freely associated as members of the British Commonwealth of Nations”. They were treated as independent by other nations, and in the intervening hundred years they cast off their status to be recognised as sovereign, independent states.
Perhaps, Xi made the offer, knowing it won’t be accepted by Ma, who promised to sign a peace accord with China in the run up to his 2009 campaign but reneged after his election.
While Ma remains in office, there won’t be any move towards unification. If the pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party wins the presidential election in 2016, it will follow President Chen Shui-bian’s policy of creeping independence. So Xi made the offer now to tell the would-be standard bearer of the Kuomintang that eventual Chinese unification is its ultimate party goal and that the People’s Republic of China is ready to start dialogue on Chinese national unification on the basis of the new “one country, two systems” principle.
