Late last month, reports emerged that former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his daughter, Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra, had planned a meeting to resolve various issues with Newin Chidchob, the de facto leader of the Bhumjaithai Party, and Anutin Charnvirakul, the party leader, who is also deputy PM and Interior Minister in the government.
The meeting was scheduled to take place at the Pullman King Power Hotel, but after journalists got wind of it the secret appointment had to be postponed.
Recently, Anutin revealed to reporters that on Sunday (March 2), he took Newin to Thaksin’s Chan Song La residence to meet with the ex-PM and Paetongtarn.
The talks that day focused on two topics: entertainment complexes and online gambling. But there were no attempts to settle any disputes, and Anutin affirmed that this would not be their last meeting.
Meanwhile, sources told Nation TV that Thaksin had signalled, "This will be the last time. Let’s speak openly and avoid any tricks."
After that, the four discussed and resolved four key topics:
● Constitutional amendments
● Entertainment complexes
● Online gambling
● The 99-year land lease law
A source from Buri Ram revealed that after leaving Chan Song La residence, Newin raised concerns that the government might abandon hosting the MotoGP race in favour of focusing on Formula 1 instead. He reportedly picked up certain signals from the discussions at Thaksin’s residence.
The “talks while waging war” stance of the political kingmaker from Buri Ram reflects a shift in the relationship between Newin and Thaksin—from that of a former boss and subordinate to influential power brokers operating behind the political scenes.
Colour-coded politics
In Thailand’s current “Three Kingdoms” political landscape—Red (Pheu Thai), Blue (Bhumjaithai), and Orange (People’s Party)—the battle for power remains fierce, full of strategic manoeuvring and calculated betrayals, though not to the point of a full-scale rupture.
The Pheu Thai-Bhumjaithai rivalry has been evident since the formation of Paetongtarn’s government, with both parties constantly engaging in negotiations and power struggles over key issues: the Khao Kradong land dispute, Alpine golf course, entertainment complexes, constitutional amendments, referendum laws, and alleged Senate election collusion.
The third meeting at Chan Song La residence between the “Boss” (Thaksin) and the “Headmaster” (Newin) was not about reconciliation—it was a high-stakes negotiation.
Newin wields control over the “Blue” senators in the Upper House, whose votes are crucial for the government to pass legislation.
Meanwhile Prime Minister Paetongtarn is facing a no-confidence motion from the opposition, but Pheu Thai has countered those efforts by limiting the debate to just one day.
Moreover, Pheu Thai’s backroom power brokers have issued a warning to coalition partners: any party failing to secure a full vote without a solid justification could see its ministerial positions reshuffled.
Above all, the push to dismantle the Senate through the “collusion vote” case under the Department of Special Investigation (DSI) remains in motion, serving as a constant pressure tactic to keep the Blue Camp from overplaying its hand.
Blue Camp Plays by the power deal
As soon as news broke that Newin had met Thaksin on the night of March 4, Anutin addressed the issue with reporters the following morning. He confirmed that the discussions covered everything—the draft law on entertainment complexes, the online gambling bill, and the no-confidence debate.
He admitted that there was no need for reconciliation, as he regularly communicates with Thaksin anyway—whether via phone calls or Line chats—and has never had any issues with him.
Anutin’s stance toward the “Big Boss” (Thaksin) reflects his conciliatory nature, but his major weakness is a lack of firm political ideology.
This contrasts with “Headmaster” Newin, who aims to transform Bhumjaithai into a major party, rather than just a swing party as it is today.
In reality, Newin’s influence in the Senate allows him to negotiate with Thaksin’s party because a secret deal is dictating the power dynamics behind the scenes.
Thus, the “talks while waging war” strategy will continue, but when it will reach a breaking point remains uncertain—because in Thai politics, anything can happen.