Yingluck has been a major symbol of the democracy battle over the past several years, but her withdrawal does not mean the end of the crusade because new players could emerge, they said.
Weng Tojirakarn, a leader of the United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship, rejected the notion that the red-shirt movement would come to an end because of Yingluck’s retreat. The UDD, as its name suggested, centred around the fight for democracy and against dictatorship, not a particular person, the activist said.
“It is nonsense to say that we will be weakened as a result of what happened, because it is democracy that is the grounding foundation of our movement, not Yingluck or anyone,” Weng said.
He went on to explain, however, that the reason it seemed the red-shirt movement was close to the Pheu Thai Party and its leaders such as Yingluck was the mere fact that they had gracefully come to power through democratic means, via an election.
“So, although Yingluck is gone, the fight will continue,” he said. “And although Yingluck has been one image that the red-shirt people have fought for, democracy does not just die with her leaving.”
Weng expressed confidence that the Thai people were well aware of the situation and could understand perfectly why Yingluck had to flee. They respected her decision and now looked forward to supporting leaders who sided with democracy.
Veteran political critic Sukhum Nualsakul said that it was hard to see the way ahead now, because things had not yet settled. But, he said, one thing was for sure: it is too soon to say that this is the end of the Shinawatra era.
“Thaksin Shinawatra was like the soul of Pheu Thai, and he was one person among those driving the democratic forces. Yet, without him, everything was still able to continue all these years,” Sukhum said.
“So, maybe we will see new figures rising up either from the Shinawatra family or a proxy like Samak Sundaravej.”
Sukhum did not think that the UDD or the democracy movement in general would become drastically weakened after Yingluck fled the country.
One leader was down, but there were many other things that they could hold onto to drive them forward in the battle for democracy, he said.
“But now it is hard to tell. Because of the restriction of political movement and everything, we will not be able to see anything or know anything for sure at least until the election,” Sukhum stressed.
Chamnan Chanruang, a Chiang Mai-based political scientist, pointed out that the incident might not be advantageous to the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO), as many people think. The fact that Yingluck was unable to remain in the Kingdom despite her long and brave fight might have a negative affect on the junta, he said. The NCPO might now face rumours and accusations.
“For instance, word may spread that Yingluck had to flee or she wouldn’t have survived,” he said. “This could discredit the NCPO and might result in a certain degree of chaos. So, the NCPO must be prepared, too.”
However, Chamnan did not quite agree with Yingluck’s move. In any political battle, she might not yield the best result when fighting from outside the country, he said.
“Remaining in Thailand, it might take a longer time to fight – but it is harder to fight from abroad. If Yingluck is put in jail, a crowd of 3,000 to 4,000 people could be expected to camp outside the prison,” Chamnan said, implying that the current regime would be put under additional political pressure.