Call to use Parliament to resolve Thai-Cambodian dispute

The recent border clash between Thai and Cambodian troops at Chong Bok, Ubon Ratchathani province, on May 28, has spilt over into the political arena, raising questions about who stands to benefit from the escalating tensions over contested border areas.

Public attention has quickly turned to the Shinawatra family, with critics pointing to the long-standing personal ties between Thaksin and Yingluck Shinawatra and Hun Sen, as well as the next generation: Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra and Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet.

This familial connection has fueled public scepticism, with some questioning whether the territorial dispute is being influenced by mutual interests between the two powerful political families. The Thai government's decision to respond to the border incident with restraint and silence for nine days before issuing an official statement has drawn particular scrutiny.

The issue of hidden interests was publicly raised by opposition MP Kannavee Suebsaeng of the Fair Party, who suggested that the border clash may be a pretext for future resource-sharing negotiations, particularly in maritime areas still under overlapping claims.

Although the Pheu Thai-led government has not made any official moves regarding energy-sharing policies, the issue resurfaced in late 2024 when Paetongtarn echoed the position of her father, Thaksin, now acting as a personal advisor to the ASEAN Chair.

“We will expedite negotiations over the overlapping maritime zone, as it could greatly benefit Thailand. The gas reserves there are estimated to be worth up to 10 trillion baht, with potential production reaching 300 million cubic feet,” she said.

Following those remarks, civic networks began closely monitoring the situation, and government action on the issue has since gone quiet—raising more questions than answers about what comes next.

But in the Foreign Affairs Committee chaired by a Pheu Thai Party MP has quietly advanced a parallel initiative: the formation of a subcommittee tasked with studying management of the overlapping continental shelf claimed by both Thailand and Cambodia.

At the heart of this study lies one critical issue—petroleum resources in the disputed maritime zone.

The subcommittee has reportedly completed a preliminary version of its report. However, the details remain confidential pending further review and final revisions. The completed document is expected to be submitted to the full Foreign Affairs Committee and later forwarded to Parliament and the Cabinet during the legislative session opening in July 2025.

Observers speculate that the report could provide a framework the government may use to justify future actions, similar to how Parliament previously used findings on the proposed “entertainment complex” initiative to support a draft law.

Opposition Calls for Parliamentary Mechanism

In a related development, opposition MP Kannavee has called for the use of Parliamentary or joint-session mechanisms to address the growing dispute. He argued that such forums—explicitly outlined in Thailand’s 2017 Constitution—should be activated in matters of national importance, particularly those concerning security, sovereignty, or resource management.

Under Section 155, the Constitution permits the Leader of the Opposition to formally request a general debate in a joint session of Parliament and Cabinet, without a binding vote. The session may be conducted in private if national sensitivity warrants it.

Additionally, Section 165 grants the Cabinet the authority to initiate such a session to hear the opinions of both MPs and senators on matters affecting government administration.

Former Senator Urges Use of Constitutional Tools

Kamnoon Sittisamarn, a former senator and member of the Constitution Drafting Committee, weighed in on the issue. He stressed that the constitutional tools already exist—what remains is the government's political will to use them.

“This border issue with Cambodia falls under the definition of a matter concerning national administration. If the government initiates a joint session, it can both gather valuable input and provide a thorough explanation to Parliament and the public,” Kamnoon said.

He added that, given the sensitive and international nature of the dispute, certain segments of the session may be held behind closed doors, as precedent has shown in past parliamentary debates.

Amid Cambodia’s move to escalate the border dispute by referring it to the International Court of Justice (ICJ), Kamnoon has urged the government to take a firm and explicit stance in rejecting the ICJ’s jurisdiction and reaffirming Thailand’s sovereign rights.

“Under international legal norms, Cambodia cannot unilaterally file a case against Thailand without consent. The Thai government must make its position clear and uphold national sovereignty,” Kamnoon stated.

His remarks come at a time when the Paetongtarn Shinawatra administration is under pressure both externally, from rising border tensions, and internally, amid growing rifts within the coalition government.

Observers warn that the situation demands swift, careful, and decisive action to prevent the conflict from spiralling into a broader crisis that could threaten the government’s fragile political stability.

“This is a moment to act preemptively—to contain the issue before it erodes public confidence or destabilises the administration,” one analyst noted.